Election Day is Tuesday.
And yes, I can vote.
And will.
Too many people went too long without that right for me to take it lightly.
Too many people went too long without that right for me to take it lightly.
In 1776, Abigail Adams wrote to her husband John to “remember
the ladies and be more generous and favorable to them than your ancestors. . .
. If particular care and attention is not paid to the ladies, we are determined
to foment a rebellion, and will not hold ourselves bound by any laws in which
we have no voice or representation.”
The ladies were not “remembered” when it came to the Constitution, an important point rarely mentioned by those who treat that
document as sacred text. The war to end taxation without representation did
little to ensure fair voting rights for all.
In 1848, a woman’s rights convention gathered in the Wesleyan
Chapel in Seneca Falls, N.Y with almost 200 women in attendance “to discuss the
social, civil, and religious condition and rights of women.” Elizabeth Cady
Stanton’s Declaration of Sentiments and Grievances should be required reading in every American history class, a reminder that even
those who fight for freedom are often thinking of their own freedom, not the rights
and freedom of others.
For the next 72 years, Women’s Rights Conventions were held
each year, with women gaining the votein newly formed states and territories like Wyoming (1869), Utah (1870) and
Washington (1883). States where democracy was the oldest
were among those most reluctant to grant women the vote: Pennsylvania voted NO
on a women’s suffrage referendum in 1915, despite a highly organized statewide
campaign. Four years of hard work later, Congress passed the Nineteenth Amendment, and Pennsylvania was the sixth state to ratify it, to in June, 1919.
Votes for women came painfully slowly. Votes for other
groups seemed to come more quickly, but with more ongoing backlash, and more
violence along the way. Early state constitutions extended the right to vote to
all free male adult property owners, regardless of ethnicity or country of
origin. By the time of the Civil War, property ownership as precondition had
been removed, but states and territories
had imposed other conditions: poll taxes, literacy requirements, religious
restriction banning “non-Protestants.”
The Reconstruction Act of 1867 required the former
Confederate states to approve new constitutions ratified by an electorate that
included black as well as white men, and to ratify the Fourteenth Amendment,
which made clear that former slaves were to be given status equal to other
citizens.
That was swiftly followed by the Fifteen Amendment, which states
“The right of citizens of the United States to vote shall not be denied or
abridged by the United States or by any State on account of race, color, or
previous condition of servitude.”
And that Amendment was swiftly followed by a host of state and local laws designed to exclude
“certain elements” from access to the vote: arbitrary literacy tests, limited hours
for voter registration, burdensome poll taxes. Mississippi, where 90 percent of black voting-age men registered
to vote in the years following the Civil War, cut that number to less than 6 percent by 1892. It has never since been as high as 90 percent.
I was eight in 1964, the summer three civil rights activists
were murdered in Mississippi while registering black voters. One, Michael Schwerner, was from my hometown of Pelham, New York, classmate and friend of one of my uncles. He,
James Chaney and Andrew Goodman were
missing for 44 days before their bodies were found buried deep in an earthen dam.
They had gone to investigate the burning of a black church, had been arrested
by police on trumped-up charges, and then released to the waiting Ku Klux Klan.
According to the coroner’s report, the two northern white
men, Schwerner and Goodman, had each been shot once in the heart. James Chaney,
the black man from Mississippi, had been shot three times and badly beaten. The
doctor who examined his body testified: “I have never witnessed bones so
severely shattered.”
In 1969, after years of legal dodges and great public outcry, TheFifth Circuit of the United States Court of Appeals ruled: "we find ample proof
of conspiracy and each appellant's complicity in a calculated, cold-blooded and
merciless plot to murder the three men.”
Of the more than twenty men implicated in the deaths, none
were convicted of murder, and only six served time, none more than six years.
The Voting Rights Act of 1965 was a response to the escalating violence that flared into national view during the events surrounding the march on Selma. The Act attempted to put an end to discriminatory election practices, outlawing poll taxes and literacy tests, with the force of federal prosecution and both civil and criminal penalties. It provided immediate relief from obstacles to voting, but also put in place a preclearance mechanism for certain states and jurisdictions to prevent passage of new election laws and procedures that would thwart the act’s intent and create new barriers to inclusive elections.
The Act was renewed and amended in 1970 and 1975, renewed and amended for 25 years in 1982, reauthorized again for another 25 years in 2006
The Voting Rights Act of 1965 was a response to the escalating violence that flared into national view during the events surrounding the march on Selma. The Act attempted to put an end to discriminatory election practices, outlawing poll taxes and literacy tests, with the force of federal prosecution and both civil and criminal penalties. It provided immediate relief from obstacles to voting, but also put in place a preclearance mechanism for certain states and jurisdictions to prevent passage of new election laws and procedures that would thwart the act’s intent and create new barriers to inclusive elections.
The Act was renewed and amended in 1970 and 1975, renewed and amended for 25 years in 1982, reauthorized again for another 25 years in 2006
Seven years later, on June 25, 2013, in Shelby County vs. Holder, the
Supreme Court overturned a key provision of the Act, invalidating Section 4,
which defined which jurisdictions required pre-approval of election law. The
ruling required Congress to establish new criteria before pre-approval rules
could be applied.
A Voting Rights Amendment Act was
introduced in Congress in January 2014 and again in January 2015. An even stronger
Voting Rights Advancement Act was introduced in June 2015. Voting rights advocates across the country
have called for passage of those bills, to little effect. Meanwhile, legislators
across the country have produced a flurry of election law bills, many that
would limit voter access, others that would make voting more accessible.
On this
All Saints Day, I find myself pausing over the names of those who saw the
opportunity to vote as essential first step to a life of full inclusion.
I marvel at the perseverance of Elizabeth Cady Stanton, Susan B. Anthony, Jeanette Rankin, Alice Paul, Lecretia Mott.
I marvel at the perseverance of Elizabeth Cady Stanton, Susan B. Anthony, Jeanette Rankin, Alice Paul, Lecretia Mott.
And I’m
humbled by the courage of Chaney,
Shwermer and Goodman, Medgar Evans, Martin Luther King, so many more, known and
unknown.
For
them, the right to vote, for themselves and others, was an all-consuming
vision.
For too
many of us, it’s a minor interruption, an aggravating obligation tacked on to
an already too-busy day.
Yes, our
system of democracy, especially here in Pennsylvania, makes informed voting
hard.
We have
elections on one mid-week work day, difficult for those who work long shifts,
travel long distances to work, juggle public transportation, child-care,
inconvenient work hours.
And we
have many levels of elected officials – more in the US than other countries,
more in PA than any other state.
And yes, it’s difficult to find
objective information about all those candidates. Hard sometimes even to
understand the office they’re running for. (Prothonotory? Really????).
I confess, sometimes I don’t vote the
person, I vote the idea: for the less-dominant party, for the independent candidate, for candidate from an under-represented
population. For the candidate who DIDN’T
engage in personal accusations.
But I also spend time at least trying
to make an informed choice:
- Locate my pollingplace (and polling place number)
- Check my local ballot (in some places, Vote411 is helpful. Or google “county name sample ballot”. Here’s Chester County’s.)
- Read the candidates' websites.
- Look to see who endorses them and why. (For the PA Judicial Races, the PA Bar has provided PAVoteSmart, which contains candidate recommendations for PA Supreme Court, Superior Court, and Commonwealth Court.
And yes, I vote. Knowing the system is
imperfect.
Knowing my vote, alone, counts for little.
Doing what I can to honor sacrifices of
the past.
Offering what I can to support the voting rights of the future.
- Who Is Allowed to Vote? September 21, 2014
- Vote Smart, October 19, 2014
- Love Your Neighbor, Vote with Prayer, September 28, 2012
- Voting Pro-Life, November 2, 2014
- The Dance of Democracy, November 11, 2012
- Election Eve Examen, Nov. 4, 2012
Additional issues posts are listed on on What's Your Platform?