Showing posts with label inequity. Show all posts
Showing posts with label inequity. Show all posts

Sunday, September 11, 2016

Educating Ourselves on Education


I've been wondering: is discernment possible without examining evidence?

When we repeat unfounded, unfactual ideas, who pays the price?

A few weeks ago I helped buy back-to-school supplies for some children I know who live in one of Pennsylvania’s poorest neighborhoods.

The supply list sent home included the obvious school items: pens, pencils, paper, but also paper towels and Kleenex. 
Can more money fix America's schools? NPR, April 25, 2016

Weird, right?

Unless you know that in some schools even simple necessities like those are not available if teachers or parents don't supply them. 

A day or two later I had dinner with an acquaintance who spoke with passion about the money wasted by the Philadelphia schools.

“We keep pouring money into that system and it just disappears.”

Sometimes I bite my tongue.

But if votes are decided and policy put in place on the basis of generalized nonsense, inequity continues.

And grows.

And swallows whole communities.

Per pupil spending in Philadelphia is far less than in the school district my acquaintance’s children attended.

About half as much, in fact.

Apparently high-end wireless microphones for school plays for wealthy children are justifiable expenses, while school libraries and computers for poor children are not.

I’ve written before about Pennsylvania’s inadequate and inequitable school funding.

But the narrative of school failure continues, fed by politicians eager to privatize education. According to a video on Donald Trump’s Issues Page:  
We are rated 28 in the world, the United States, think of it – 28 in the world, and frankly we spend far more per pupil than any other country in the world by far it’s not even a close second.   So here we are, we spend more money and we are rated 28. Third world countries are ahead of us.   We spend far more per pupil than any other country in the world. By far. And if you look at education. Out of thirty countries. We’re last. We’re like 30th. We’re last. So we’re last in education.
Aside from the general incoherence of his statements, there's also a question of fact.

No, we’re not 28. Or 30. Or "last." 

And we don’t spend far more per pupil than any other country.

By one international standard, Trends in International Mathematics and Science Study (TIMSS), American kids rank 7th out of 42 countries.

On the Progress in International Reading Literacy Study, America’s public school students rank 6th out of 53 systems tested.

On the most widely used, the Program for International Student Assessment, (PISA) 15-year-olds in 65 countries are tested in math, science, and reading. In 2012, the last available year, the US ranked 35th in math, 27th in science, and 24th in reading.
 
PISA Scores 2012, OECD, focus added by Business Insider, June 6 2015
So, it’s true that American students are not doing as well as we might like. 

But it’s not true that we spend far more than other nations. On per-student spending, the US average was $11,732 per full-time student in 2012 – behind Switzerland ($15,512), Norway ($13,611) and Austria ($12,164).  

Given differences in cost of living, a better comparison might be percent of GDP invested in education. By that measure, the U.S., at 3.6%, doesn’t make it onto the list of top 25 countries.


Trump’s conclusion that school choice would improve scores is contradicted by the statistics: nations with top results have strong, centrally-administered public school systems; consistent, equitable funding; focused attention on pre-K preparation for low-income, at-risk students; high public respect for teachers and schools.

For anyone really interested in understanding the numbers, it’s a complicated story.  But the question of which school systems waste money is far simpler to address for anyone who has even a small interest in the truth. The Commonwealth Foundation offers a website that allows comparison of districts on per pupil spending, money allocated for classroom attendance, special education and more. Here's how Philadelphia and neighboring Lower Merion compare. I've added Reading - one of the most underfunded districts in the country.


A quick interpretation: Lower Merion spends more than twice as much on its students, but a smaller percentage is spent on instruction. In other word, Philly and Reading are putting a higher share of their dollars into the classroom and doing their best to educate high needs children with less than half the funds. 
  
To put that spending in context: Philadelphia has the highest number of people living in “deep poverty” of any large city in the U.S. In 2015, the threshold for deep poverty was an annual cash income of less than $5,885 for an individual, $7,965 for a single-parent with one child, or $12,125 for a married couple with two kids. Nationally, one in ten children is now living in deep poverty. In Philly, that number is closer to one in four.  

People in deep poverty tend to be transient, living with friends, sometimes sleeping on the floor in a relative’s apartment. They frequently struggle with mental illness. Illiteracy is often a factor. Add in food insecurity. Inadequate child care.

Children in poverty, in addition to unstable home arrangements, often experience trauma from exposure to violence and crime. They are less likely to attend preschool, less likely to be exposed to books, games and enriching experiences in the home or local community. They start school less prepared than their wealthier peers, in systems less able to offer extra help or support.

On Tuesday, our state Supreme Court will hear a two-year-old lawsuit about school funding inequities. Six school districts, seven parents, and two advocacy organizations will again call attention to the vast disparities in resources among Pennsylvania’s schools. The suit describes Pennsylvania educational system as “the nation’s most inequitable and irrational,” with “’gross disparities’ in per-student funding”: 
the Commonwealth’s total investment in a child’s education can range from as little as $9,800 per student in low-wealth school districts to more than $28,400 per student in high-wealth districts. Those disparities exist not because highwealth districts have chosen to invest more in education; low-wealth districts often have property tax rates far higher than wealthier districts.
Nor are those disparities the result of differences in student need; students in lowwealth districts have needs that warrant more, not less, funding. Rather, the disparities exist because the structure of Pennsylvania’s funding scheme prevents low-wealth districts from ever closing the funding gap. 
I’ve heard, more times than I can count, that “throwing money at it” won’t solve the education problem.

There’s a difference between throwing money and investing wisely.  “Investing” is what we call it when we’re thinking of the future. “Throwing money” is what we call it when we simply don’t care.

Does money make a difference?

When you really consider, it seems a ridiculous question. 

Put it another way: 

Should low income children be provided high quality preschool? 

Yes.

Certainly affluent parents who invest in preschool for their children must see some benefit. The benefit is even greater for children who grow up in households without books, games, educational toys, without educated adults with time and ability to to read and play and teach.

Are smaller classrooms and better-trained teachers helpful?

Yes.

Small class sizes allow more individual attention, more help to students who need it. Put thirty already-behind kindergarteners kids in a room with no aides and no parent volunteers and they’ll be further behind by the end of the year. Every time.

And the more difficult the neighborhood, the more essential that teachers are experienced and well-trained. Too often the schools where excellent teachers are needed most are the schools that can least afford them.

What about money for school libraries? 

Yes. How will kids with little access to books develop a love of reading?

School nurses and therapists? Of course. Have you ever watched a child in pain, emotional or physical, struggle to focus or stay on task? 

When I dig into numbers, looking for evidence of waste, I see two things:

A pension problem primarily caused by legislators who undercut investment and now are reaping the fruit of that decision: “[i]n reality, based on actuarial need, the state continually hasn't kicked in enough money to cover its growing debt, the single biggest reason for the dire straits the state now faces.” 

The other major money drain is one Donald Trump has promised to expand: funds shifted from public schools to for-profit corporations through loosely regulated charter school schemes. The school where he chose to speak about education last week was a publicly funded, for-profit charter school that received an F on recent evaluations, compared to the surrounding school district, which received a C.

While public schools on average spend more money on instruction, charter schools spend more on administrative costs: high executive salaries and undisclosed profits.


This is true in Ohio, where Trump made his "school choice" speech. And in Pennsylvania, where 
inadequate oversight and a lax law have allowed a significant number of bad players to siphon millions of taxpayer dollars into their pockets, at the expense of Pennsylvania’s public school children.• Nick Trombetta, founder of the state’s largest cyber charter school (PA Cyber) has been indicted on multiple charges and is accused of siphoning more than $8 million from the school.• June Brown went on trial for allegedly defrauding the 4 Philadelphia charter schools that she founded of $6.7 million.• Recently the eighth Philadelphia charter school official pleaded guilty to federal fraud charges. 
Charter management organizations are permitted to spend unlimited taxpayer dollars on advertising, political lobbying, 7-figure CEO salaries and other expenses that are unrelated to educating children. 
I would love to see every child in our state and in our country attend a clean, safe, well-resourced school.

I can’ t make it happen.

What I can do:
  • Refuse to vote for legislators who villainize teachers and public education or who offer privatized “choice” as a solution to “wasted money.”
  • Push back – gently and politely – when people I know suggest we’re “pouring money away” in funding urban schools.
  • Applaud organizations working to inform voters and advocate for adequate, equitable funding. 
  • Pray for sight for the politically blind, wisdom for the willfully foolish and justice for those who without it will never reach their potential or find a way to flourish.


This post is part of a series on What's Your Platform 
Beyond the Party Platform July 24, 2016
A Different Way July 31, 2016 
Election Fraud and Rigged Elections, August 10, 2016 
How Long Will the Land Lie Parched? August 21, 2016 
Walls, Welcome, Mercy, Law August 28, 2016
Workers and Their Wages, Sep 3, 2016 

Sunday, July 17, 2016

A Simple Question

Brown at 60: The doll test NAACP LDF
Sometimes just a simple question can open our eyes and rearrange our thinking.

Sometimes that question can come from an unexpected source.

For me that happened in the fellowship hall of a West Philadelphia church.

I was sitting on the threadbare carpet, watching my not-quite-two daughter rock a plastic baby doll in an area sectioned off as a makeshift nursery.

A little boy beside me was watching too, with a thoughtful look on his face.

“Does your daughter have black dolls at home?”

Black dolls? This was 1983. Had I ever seen a black doll? Did anybody make them?

David was five. Maybe six. A quiet little boy. I’m not sure I’d ever heard him speak to any adult except his parents.

He looked at me earnestly and asked the question again, then looked past my wispy-blond daughter to his own little sister, Katherine, a tiny, dark-skinned girl with tight little braids framing her face. She was holding a plastic baby doll just like my daughter’s. Both dolls were pasty white.

I followed David’s gaze from the little white girl with the white plastic doll to the little black girl with the white plastic doll to the basket of dolls, all white, beyond them.

David was waiting.

“She doesn’t,” I finally said. “Does Katherine?”

He nodded yes.

I knew Katherine’s mother. If there were black dolls to be had her children would have them.

“I guess we should have some here,” I said.  

He nodded yes.

“I’ll talk to your mom about it.”

That was over three decades ago.

We still have some of the dolls we bought  for our daughters in the years after that conversation: a healthy mix of shapes, colors and hair styles. Just days ago, after a family gathering, I walked past the little doll corner we have in our basement playroom and saw a cheerful assembly of friends dressed and gathered in what appeared to be a party.

But David’s question wasn’t really about dolls.

It was more about belonging, imagination, seeing oneself as an accepted, even treasured member of the world we live in.

From 1939 through the 1950s, Dr. Mamie and Kenneth Clark used dolls to test children’s perceptions about race. Children of different ages and colors were asked questions designed to measure attitudes about what skin color has to do with being “pretty,” “ugly,” “good” or “bad”.

Their troubling conclusions were part of the evidence offered in the historic case of Brown v. Board of Education in 1954:  
To separate [African-American children] from others of similar age and qualifications solely because of their race generates a feeling of inferiority as to their status in the community that may affect their hearts and minds in a way unlikely ever to be undone.
It’s been a long time since segregation was a legal educational policy.  It’s still around in other forms: housing patterns, hiring practices. We still have unwritten codes about who does and doesn’t belong.

I’ve been wrestling lately with the intersection between criminal justice, racial bias and political representation.

I’ve posted about these topics before: the steep imbalancein incarceration rates, the  high number of people held in jail because they can’t afford bail,  the misguided policies that pour money into prisons rather than educate the children who otherwise land there.  

This week my focus has been the Census Bureau’s decision to continue counting incarcerated persons as residents of prison districts, rather than their home communities. Despite a recent federal court decision declaring the practice unconstitutional, despite Pennsylvania state law describing place of residence as last known address, despite testimony from experts, the Bureau recently announced that the practice will continue.

In essence, prison gerrymandering, as it's sometimes called, dilutes the voice of urban and minority communities, amplifies the votes of rural communities where the prisons are based, distorts democracy.
Pennsylvania is among states most strongly impacted, because of high disparities in incarceration rates for people of color and because so many of our prisons are in rural, predominately white districts

I sit and dig through data, pour through websites, study the correlation between maps of party leadership, maps of skewed demographics, maps of underfunded schools.

We wrestle with principalities and powers, systems and structures, embedded injustice so entrenched, so complex, so subtle, so strong, it’s easy to lose hope.

Is change possible?

I had hoped the Census Bureau, after recent legal challenges, would decide to count prisoners in their home communities.

They didn’t.

It’s still possible if there’s enough public outcry.

But the comment period ends August 1 and the news cycles are busy jumping on stories about Donald Trump, Hilary Clinton and tragedies near and far. 

Prison gerrymandering looks like just a tiny ripple at the edge of a very active pond.

Yet small things shape larger.

Sentencing guidelines, decisions on where and when to build prisons, funding for public defenders, training for policing, investment in public education: all are shaped by elected officials.  

Whose interests will they represent?

I’m working this week on encouraging individuals and organizations to offer public comment. Links, talking points and reasons are available here.

I’m working as well on strengthening the work of FairDistricts PA, still promoting our petition, still asking for donations to help spread the word about gerrymandered districts. 

I’m leading a conference call this week with stakeholders who wonder: is it worth the investment?

Meeting with minority advocates who know this all matters, but wonder if there will ever be enough comfortable white Pennsylvanians willing to help shift the balance of power.

Joining a small group of motivated activists who scheduled a meeting with a key state senator.

Around it all, I’ll be praying: for families I know impacted by our inequitable system of injustice, for politicians considering the risk of supporting change, for potential allies weighing their own tangle of priorities. For grace, wisdom, persistence, resources, hope.

We are all part of this unfolding story.

We can speak out for change or endorse the status quo.

We can find new ways to be a neighbor, new ways to embrace others, new ways to encourage, befriend, affirm.

Or we can shrug and say it’s not our problem, not our kids, not our future on the line.

I look at the photo of PA legislators. 

Mostly white. 

Mostly male. 

Mostly fine with the way things are.

I wonder: do their children have black dolls at home?


Do yours?